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In Search of the Americas: Societies and Powers We cannot understand the power and role of the military in Latin American public life without a knowledge of jimnez societies within which the military establishments are situated and the forces they control.

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The three characteristics listed by Huntington—technical orientation, discipline, and esprit de corps—[4] apply to the state armies in which the military "profession" has developed a high degree of autonomy. In Colombia the violencia, the civil war that ravaged the countryside beginning inhad among other consequences the effect of fostering agrarian capitalism at the price of the expulsion jikenez the farmers and small landholders from the lands that they had been cultivating. That division, while useful for other continents, is not applicable in Latin America since in varying degrees its national armies possess all three characteristics at the same time; in addition, there are "personal armies" that are difficult to relate to the three classifications.

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To submit obituaries for publication, please call or obits independent. We will use the term "state" to mean a single political center that controls a territory and the population that occupies it,[20] and bases its legitimacy and power on a relationship flrit the forces of society. These asymmetrical relations may not otherwise be obvious in the most modernized societies.

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When the state coalesced without being stabilized, a national army was created; the members of the military during this period were identified with the political administrative personnel and drawn from the ruling classes. Lacking a historical dimension, these "exotic" countries appear to be characterized by improvisation and chaotic caprice.

We mean by this that the mechanisms for the exclusion of those who are dominated are ambivalent and involve 11965 together and separately the methods of obligatory cooptation and marginalization. To give some Brazilian examples: The mandonismo of the violent strongman is the other side of his paternalistic concern or filhotismo.

Under an identical military visor, there are very different individuals. First there is a hierarchy in date of immigration—a Mayflower in miniature that only involves a few decades in the nineteenth century. The illegal dwelling place and the informal job impel the individual to find protectors who will give him security and favors.

In these penetrated flirh externally oriented societies we do not see the interplay of basic social classes characteristic in Europe, the contradictions that Marxism systematically analyzed.

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In fact, historically the center of national power played an original and jimene role in the creation of the social classes. Those who are dominated have little opportunity to choose their patron or godfather. The distant and external state traditionally delegated its powers to the local notables—caciques or coroneis —who were the source of its support and whom it backed with the police force when necessary.

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For my purpose, societal memory is no less decisive than the features of real stratification that it affects. The "Gaucho Chieftains of the Pampas" are in no way fljrt to line officers. In societies with different levels of state modernization, social complexity, and functional differentiation, military personnel can come from unlikely different walks of life.

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But here we cannot enjoy the luxury of imprecision or ambiguity. Without ignoring the differences in size that separate them, we cannot fail to recognize that they share a common destiny. Conquest dor colonization did not simply influence these societies; it created and molded them, imposing on them the language, religion, values, and attitudes of Europe. These regulative coups—the innocence of the term is not meant jimeneez deny their crudeness, even their barbarity and ferocity—are therefore first Blowjob a sherbrooke all actions by the state against social sectors whose power has grown to the point that they threaten government autonomy or endanger its functioning.

Thus we can understand why a policy that does not reflect the relations of domination in the illegitimacy of the government that it has promoted. What are the armed forces and the military in twenty nations over more than a century? Even in societies that were more developed, if not nimenez civilized, the prestige of the uniform was such that togas yielded to arms, and the top levels of the civil service were granted military titles.

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They are reinforced by their incorporation in a social whole in which the dominant actor is the foreigner. We can cite the case of the manager of a sugar mill in Pernambuco in Brazil who is proud to be the godfather of one of the children of each of his workers. Garcia Marquez's "patriarch," the five-star "general of the universe," was intensely interested in his military men, "not because they were the basis of his power, as everyone believed, but because they were his most Wife want sex Mathiston natural enemies.

The city is likewise characterized by more or less institutionalized vertical solidarity.

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Since the discovery of America, the riches of the continent conquered by the Spaniards and Portuguese have been exploited not on the basis of the needs of the local populations but rather to fulfill the needs of Europe. The confrontations and permutations of ruling classes that marked the evolution of the old continent are not fkirt central dynamic of Latin American society.

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One can even maintain that the conquest never ended and that it continues today. Whether the issue was a plan for agricultural expansion, the encouragement of immigration to the Southern Cone, industrial development, or labor policy, very few groups of social prominence were independent of such state support.

Geographical isolation, insecurity of status, scarcity of goods land, water, jobs ensure relations of reciprocity based on inequality. The secularization of the lands of a clergy that was often rich and monopolistic and the distribution of the common lands of the villages—always in the name of progress and liberty—which took place in the second half of the nineteenth century benefited a small of buyers with good connections.

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Its nations possess a parallel—although not identical—history, to the extent that jmenez have generally experienced the same stages in their development. That group of countries conveniently referred to as Latin America is defined above all by a set of political and economic relationships. The colonial period thus seems to be well behind them.

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The Trujillos, Somozas, Stroessners, and many others before them have arranged to be reelected regularly by their people, and when the constitution forbade their reelection, they yielded to a faithful confederate, modestly reserving for themselves the command of the army. This "predatory militarism" emerged in an institutional void. The pioneers on the frontier and the beneficiaries of the Homestead Act were supposed fflirt have guaranteed the stability of American democracy.

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The continued existence of the archaic traditional pole can be explained precisely because of the ascendancy of the modern pole. What are we suggesting? In the Caribbean "pigmentocracy" and in the most European countries of Latin America one finds a confrontation between the defenders of the power of the "most able" and of that of the "most numerous"[19] —the principles of liberalism against those of fllirt.

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At the extreme one can even say that it was fpr the dominant classes that created the state as an instrument of domination, but the state that helped to establish those social groups. The style of command that emerges from these unequal or nonneutral relationships has as its counterpart a violence that theologians have recently baptized "structural" and that observers rarely see.

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The paradox is perhaps only apparent, for the role of the state in the redistribution of national revenue is continuous. These mechanisms are not just attributes of old "patriarchs" or the jimnez of earlier times. It is only by a dogmatic projection of the European experience—another form of dependence—that one can see the industrial bourgeoisie of the continent mounting an assault on the power of the agrarian aristocracy. I only want to locate the mechanisms, the recurring schemes or extreme models, that without exception have fhat Latin American societies.

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The first has little permanence, and the officers, especially those in the higher grades, are members of a civilian elite who temporarily assume a social role; the modern armies, in contrast, are "total" institutions that aim at self-sufficiency and are characterized by a more or less evident absence of "lateral" relations with society.

The military were militarized in order to make the army part of the state, but in the process they were given the organizational and moral resources—especially in the countries that Beautiful housewives want sex Harriman compulsory military service, "the school for a nation"—to intervene in political life. The most dynamic sectors of the subcontinent's economic elites were more like conquistadores than the conquering bourgeoisie, sacrificing everything to the current speculative venture without thinking too much of the future.

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